Malaysian Journal of International Relations
The Malaysian Journal of International Relations, MJIR (eISSN 2600-8181) is an open-access, peer-reviewed journal published biannually by the Department of International and Strategic Studies, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Universiti Malaya. The MJIR welcomes original contributions related to international relations, foreign policy, diplomacy, political science, international political economy, strategic and security studies, and related fields, to be considered for publication. In particular, the journal welcomes manuscripts with a focus on international relations in the Asia-Pacific. Publication Type: Electronic Publication frequency: 2 times per year (June and December) Publisher: Department of International and Strategic Studies, Universiti Malaya, Malaysia Indexed and Abstracted by SCOPUS; Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ); Crossref; MyCite (Malaysian Citation Index); Directory of Open Access Scholarly Resources (ROAD)
Department of International and Strategic Studies, University of Malaya, 50603 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
TACKLING THE TRANSNATIONAL THREAT OF HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN THE POST-COVID-19 PANDEMIC ERA: THE ROLE OF MALAYSIA AS THE ASEAN CHAIR
Human trafficking remains a grave and persistent issue in Malaysia and across Southeast Asia, demanding urgent and coordinated action. Since the reopening of international borders following the COVID-19 pandemic, trafficking networks have swiftly adapted, employing advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence, to lure victims with fraudulent job opportunities, subsequently trapping them in exploitative online scam operations. Disturbingly, even Malaysians have fallen prey to these schemes and have been rescued by syndicates operating across the region. Child trafficking presents an equally pressing concern, with an alarming increase in cases involving vulnerable children, both from within and outside Southeast Asia, being subjected to sexual exploitation, forced labour, and coerced marriages. As the current Chair of ASEAN, Malaysia holds a critical leadership role in galvanising regional cooperation to address this transnational threat. The sophisticated tactics employed by modern traffickers necessitate an equally innovative, collaborative, and technology-driven response from governments, civil society organisations, and the international community.
Copyright (c) 2025 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relations
FROM DISSENT TO DISCIPLINE: DEMOCRACY WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS IN HONG KONG
Hong Kong’s political evolution since the 2019 protests has intensified Beijing’s recalibration of governance under the rubric of “democracy with Chinese characteristics.” Through the enactment of the National Security Law, sweeping electoral reforms, and the institutionalisation of the “patriots governing Hong Kong” principle, the city has transitioned from pluralistic contestation to a well-ordered participation model. Yet limited attention has been given to how Hong Kong is deployed as a showcase for legitimising China’s democratic paradigm. This article addresses whether Hong Kong can still be considered a “semi-democracy,” and, if not, what alternative classification is appropriate. Drawing on official white papers, policy addresses, and key legal texts, the analysis situates Hong Kong within wider debates on the operationalisation of “democracy with Chinese characteristics” and the resilience of authoritarian governance.
THE IMPACT OF LÈSE MAJESTÉ LAWS AND AUTHORITARIAN RULE ON DEMOCRACY IN THAILAND
This paper aims to analyse the impact of lèse-majesté and authoritarian regimes on Thailand using the distribution of power as the conceptual framework. Thailand’s contemporary political landscape reflects a persistent tension between constitutional democracy and entrenched authoritarian structures. Although formally a constitutional monarchy, the country continues to rely on legal and military instruments that suppress political participation. A central element in this dynamic is the lèse-majesté law, as defined in Article 112 of the Thai Penal Code, which criminalizes criticism of the monarchy and has been used to curb political expression, particularly during periods of military influence in government. The enforcement of this law has narrowed civic space, curtailed freedom of expression, and fostered an environment that suppresses public debate and political contestation. At the regional level, these domestic conditions intersect with broader governance challenges in Southeast Asia, where fragile institutions, historical legacies, and the ASEAN principle of non-interference have allowed authoritarian practices to persist. This paper suggests that democracy has made progress in parts of the region, however, Thailand’s experience illustrates how legal and political mechanisms can hinder further reform. In addition, the enduring obstacles through lèse-majesté and authoritarianism are still around in order to advance civil liberties and accountable governance both in Thailand and the region.
THE EUROPEAN UNION (EU)’S CHANGING FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS ASEAN: UNDERSTANDING FROM A COMBINED LENS OF HISTORICAL INSTITUTIONALISM AND POLITICAL LEARNING
The EU approach to its foreign policy towards ASEAN has changed since 2014. This article aims to offer insights into the dynamics of the EU-ASEAN relations, particularly focusing on the EU’s foreign policy. It employs an analytical framework based on historical institutionalism and political learning to explore why and how the EU has changed its normative foreign policy to a strategic one concerning ASEAN. The analysis is initiated by examining the intensified dispute in the South China Sea demonstrating China’s more ambitious maritime policy as a pivotal moment for the EU’s perceptions towards ASEAN. The aspects of the EU's prior experiences and internal divergence will be included to weigh into analysis. Consequently, the EU has undergone a measured shift in its political beliefs towards ASEAN but still engages with normative aspects in a subtle way. The EU has recognised ASEAN as a partner in upholding peace and stability and has started establishing connectivity through a strategic partnership.
AN EVALUATION OF MALAYSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS HAMAS IN THE BARISAN NASIONAL ERA
This paper examines Malaysia's evolving relationship with Hamas during the Barisan Nasional era (1957–2018), focusing on the interplay of domestic politics, international pressures, and Islamic solidarity. Historically, Malaysia has been a steadfast supporter of the Palestinian cause, with varying degrees of engagement with Hamas. Under Prime Minister Najib Razak, Malaysia's approach was characterised by humanitarian assistance and diplomatic support for Palestine, including visits to Gaza and interactions with Hamas leaders. Malaysia refrained from recognising the Western designation of Hamas as a “terrorist organisation”, maintaining diplomatic relations with the Palestinian Authority as well as Hamas, and supporting Palestinian unity. This study analyzes how Malaysia's Islamic identity, domestic political considerations, and other foreign policy constraints influenced its stance towards Hamas. It also explores the implications of Malaysia's position on its international relations, particularly with Western nations that classify Hamas as a terrorist entity. The findings suggest that Malaysia's policy towards Hamas was a balancing act, aiming to uphold Islamic solidarity and domestic political interests while navigating complex international dynamics.
PERENNIAL THREAT OF TERRORISM IN PAKISTAN POST-2021: CASE STUDY OF NEWLY MERGED DISTRICTS (NMDS)
Pakistan has been a victim of terrorism in different forms and manifestations for decades now. While the state apparatus has been repeatedly applied to quell this menace, the phenomenon has continued to dominate the security dynamics of Pakistan. In this context, this paper examines the evolving security environment in Pakistan’s Newly Merged Districts (NMDs), formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), in light of shifting regional geopolitical dynamics. Despite long-standing state efforts to counter terrorism, militant violence continues to shape Pakistan’s security landscape. Focusing primarily on Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the study explores how a gradual process of radicalisation, driven by grievances, networks, ideology, and enabling conditions, has sustained religious extremism in the region. It contributes to existing scholarship by integrating structural and precipitant factors to provide a comprehensive analysis of why terrorism persists in NMDs. Structural factors identified include political exclusion, social disparities, poverty and weak local economies, governance deficiencies, and a porous border with Afghanistan. Precipitant factors encompass TTP leadership dynamics, organisational restructuring, the support of the Afghan Taliban, reunification of splinter groups, political instability, and the proliferation of financial and logistical resources. Employing a qualitative, exploratory approach based on secondary sources, the study argues that no single factor explains the endurance of terrorism in NMDs. Instead, a combination of long-term structural conditions and short-term triggers necessitates a robust, multifaceted mitigation strategy. It concludes that implementing five Lines of Effort (LOEs) is essential to achieving sustainable peace in the region.
POROUS BORDERS AND INSECURITY: A STUDY OF NIGERIA-NIGER BORDER
Borders remain a vital component of a nation’s security architecture, serving as both the first line of defence and the final safeguard of territorial integrity. In many developing countries, particularly in Africa, borders are problematic due to their porosity and inadequate demarcation. This paper examines the factors contributing to the porous nature of the Nigeria–Niger border. It employs a desk review research method and draws on structural–functional theory as its analytical framework. It argues that the Nigeria–Niger border is porous not only because of its vast expanse but also due to unprofessional and corrupt practices among border officials, which are consistently exploited by non-state actors such as bandits and terrorists. These vulnerabilities have enabled widespread insecurity affecting both nations. The paper further contends that the porous border has facilitated significant economic sabotage and a breakdown of law and order, posing serious threats to the territorial sovereignty of Nigeria and Niger. The study concludes that the Nigeria–Niger border is inadequately secured, allowing armed non-state actors to operate with impunity and potentially contributing to state fragility. It therefore recommends that both governments invest in advanced technological surveillance tools, including drones and sensors, and address the underlying drivers of crime, such as poverty and unemployment, through robust economic and developmental policies.
THE BUMIPUTERA POLICY AND MALAYSIAN BRAIN DRAIN: POLITICS AND BELONGING AS KEY PUSH FACTORS
An increasing number of Malaysian professionals are migrating overseas, resulting in a persistent brain drain with profound implications for the nation’s economic development and social cohesion. This paper examines the key push factors driving professional Malaysians to leave their home country, focusing on political inequities, a sense of not belonging, and economic constraints. Using qualitative data from focus group interviews, this study identifies the race-based affirmative action "Bumiputera policy" as a critical factor influencing both Bumiputera and non-Bumiputera professionals. While initially designed to address socioeconomic disparities, these policies have fostered perceptions of inequity, limiting the attachment of skilled Malaysians to their homeland. Despite initiatives like TalentCorp aimed at reversing brain drain, these efforts remain inadequate without systemic reforms. The study contextualises these findings within broader migration theories, offering insights into the interplay between systemic barriers, cultural alienation, and economic dissatisfaction. Policy recommendations include promoting inclusivity, strengthening meritocratic systems, and fostering a unified sense of belonging to curb migration trends.
GLOBAL INFLUENCE OF COVID-19 WASTE ON HUMAN SECURITY
The COVID-19 pandemic has contributed to increased medical equipment consumption and global waste. Several countries, such as China, the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, the USA, Italy, Turkey, Romania, and other countries, have faced the increase of global COVID-19 waste. This issue does not only increase global waste but also the threat to individuals. This research uses qualitative and human security theories as method and theoretical frameworks to understand and analyse the influence of global COVID-19 waste on human security. It aims to know how human security is affected by non-traditional security issues and advances the knowledge of the existence of threats to human security. As a result, this research finds that global COVID-19 waste influences human security by limiting the freedom of want. The consequences of this waste demonstrate a restriction on people's freedoms, particularly concerning the environment and health.
Copyright (c) 2024 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relations
SECURITY AND SUPREMACY: AN EXAMINATION OF THE US-CHINA TECHNOLOGICAL RIVALRY IN THE SEMICONDUCTOR INDUSTRY
The US-China competition in the semiconductor industry represents a strategic rivalry that stops short of direct conflict. This competition is particularly intense because semiconductors are a critical strategic commodity, underpinning advanced commercial and military technologies that enhance national power. Due to the oligopolistic nature of the semiconductor supply chain, both the US and China aspire to dominate this sector while diminishing the other’s influence, leading to heightened competition within the industry. Drawing on data from the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) spanning 2010 to 2022, this article examines the US-China semiconductor rivalry through the lenses of innovation leadership and supply chain security. In terms of innovation, the US holds a clear advantage over China, although China is making gradual progress. While the semiconductor export market shares of the US and China were comparable until 2013, China overtook the US in 2014, with the gap continuing to widen. However, this growth has been accompanied by a significant trade deficit in semiconductors, underscoring China’s heavy dependence on foreign sources to sustain its manufacturing sector. China’s pursuit of global technological leadership and its alleged unfair trade practices pose a challenge to US national interests, further intensifying the competition. In response, both countries have implemented various industrial and foreign policies aimed at strengthening their respective positions in the semiconductor supply chain while undermining each other’s advantages.
CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION IN THE ISLAND OF CYPRUS: FACILITATORS AND BARRIERS
This study examines cross-border cooperation (CBC) in the Island of Cyprus, which is marked by a protracted geopolitical dispute. It analyses the facilitators and barriers to CBC between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities and their respective States within a qualitative research framework, utilising primary and secondary sources to provide a nuanced understanding of the complex interplay between historical legacies, political dynamics, and societal interactions. Facilitators such as technical committees and third-party initiatives underscore the potential for constructive engagement. At the same time, persistent barriers like mutual distrust and Greek Cypriots’ concerns over the recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) reveal the underlying challenges. The findings highlight the significance of grassroots cooperation and international support in overcoming border-related obstacles, offering insights into how CBC can contribute to good neighbourly relations between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots. However, the findings also underscore that while CBC holds promise as a mechanism for fostering mutual understanding and reconciliation in the island of Cyprus, the barriers often overshadow the facilitators.
BOOK REVIEW P.S. Suryanarayana. (2021). The Elusive Tipping Point: China-India Ties for a New Order. World Scientific, 276 pp.
EMBRACING OPPORTUNITIES: BANGLADESH’S FOREIGN POLICY AMID GEOPOLITICAL CHALLENGES
Bangladesh is critically shaping its foreign policy to address contemporary global dynamics, particularly in South Asia. This paper examines the key factors that influence future geopolitical shifts and analyses their implications for Bangladesh. It employs a qualitative approach, allowing for in-depth analysis and interpretation of the complex dynamics surrounding Bangladesh's foreign policy in anticipation of geopolitical shifts. By exploring emerging trends in international relations, regional dynamics, and technological advancements, this study identifies potential challenges such as increased competition for resources, shifts in alliances, and the rise of non-traditional security threats. Additionally, it highlights opportunities for Bangladesh to leverage its strategic location, economic potential and diplomatic initiatives to enhance its position on the global stage. Through a comprehensive assessment of these factors, this paper aims to provide insights for policymakers to navigate the complexities of the evolving geopolitical landscape and effectively advance Bangladesh's national interests in the coming years.
LOOKING BACK ON THE AUSTRALIA - VIETNAM RELATIONSHIP IN THE CONTEXT OF ASIAN CENTURY
Vietnam and Australia are both middle powers actively contributing to the strategy of adapting to China's rise in Southeast Asia. In particular, Australia has continuously taken advantage of and created opportunities, including the first aid packages right after the end of the Vietnam War—initiatives to contribute to solving the Cambodian problem in Vietnam-ASEAN relations. After the prosperity in economic ties between Australia and Vietnam after the Cold War, the historical method and the systematic method are the popular international relations research methods used in previous studies in Vietnam and Australia; the article shows that the convergence of values, needs and interests between Australia and Vietnam in the 21st Century is the driving force to promote bilateral cooperation based on equality, mutual respect, and mutual benefits. Finally, the paper may become a valuable source of interpretation for the nature of the similarity in strategy to adapt to China's rise.
THE CHINA-PAKISTAN ECONOMIC CORRIDOR AND ITS IMPLICATION TOWARDS BEIJING AND ISLAMABAD RELATIONS
This paper uses qualitative methods and idealistic theory to analyse the implications of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) for Beijing and Islamabad relations. CPEC is a multidimensional development plan under China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) that connects the southwestern Gwadar Port of Pakistan to China’s region. China’s multibillion-dollar investment in Pakistan is Beijing's strategic move to lead the world’s economy in return for assisting Islamabad in dealing with its foreign debt crisis through three primary areas: energy, infrastructure, and security. Islamabad sees this project as an opportunity to revive its economy while China seizes more space to strengthen its power globally. CPEC was formed to address regional issues and transform strategic rivalries into strategic alternatives and regional integration. Beijing’s massive ambition and investment through CPEC will not only impact the China-Pakistan bilateral relations alone but will also enlarge transport capacity between western China and the Arabian Sea. Furthermore, China's efforts will affect its foreign policy, which aims to dominate the world economy. This paper suggests that China and Pakistan must maintain peace and stability for an extended period for CPEC to be implemented successfully.
BOURDIEUAN PERSPECTIVES ON SOCIAL POWER PRODUCTION: UNDERSTANDING THE EU AND MEMBER STATES’ HARMONISED RESPONSES TO RUSSIA’S 2022 INCURSION INTO UKRAINE
This paper contributes to the debate on science and practices as basic features in foreign affairs. It investigates the potential of the framework that builds on Bourdieu’s social interpretations of the ‘international’ as a field characterised by ‘power struggles’ and of ‘practices’ as ‘cultural strategies’ in the international arena; it also draws on the conceptualisation of ‘agency’ as a 'social power production’. It argues that science and practice hang together and act as players in external affairs. It applies this framework to the illustrative example of the European Union (EU) and member states’ response to Russia’s 2022 incursion into Ukraine, demonstrating harmonised positions. It explores how combined social science and politics help connect to the ‘symbolic power struggles’ that lead to 'social power production’ as an agency motivating the EU and member states to adopt a common front. The empirical analysis employs the notions of Ethos, Foreign Policy Identity, Power, Trust and Uncertainty, and the Symbolic Struggle to uncover the crucial trend of social science and practice playing a role in foreign policy. The conclusion concedes criticism from other models; however, despite this framework's lack of extensive use, it hints at its potential usage within diverse case studies. The analysis is based on the author’s reflections on data drawn from primary and secondary sources and observations of foreign affairs practices. By capturing the symbolic power struggles that the research of the rationalist (neo-realism), soft-constructivist, and radical constructivist camps omitted to represent, this article helps to highlight the importance of the scientific agents revealing influences on foreign policy.
CHINA AND INDIA IN THE ROHINGYA CRISIS: EXPLORING A SUSTAINABLE SOLUTIONS IN THE GEOPOLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK
In 2017, the Rohingya people experienced a brutal crackdown at the hands of the Myanmar military, called Tatmadaw. In the face of the crackdown, Rohingya people took shelter in Bangladesh. Despite nearly seven years passing of this crisis, a sustainable solution remains elusive. Presently, more than 1.1 million Rohingya individuals are living in camps located in Bangladesh, where they endure a lack of essential rights and services. The Rohingya camps have also become a source of internal and external security threats, intensifying the critical nature of this refugee crisis and raising geopolitical concerns. The neighbouring states, China and India, holding significant interest and influence over Bangladesh and Myanmar, have critical responses to the crisis. Considering the complex geopolitical landscape and legal grounds, this article explores potential resolutions to the Rohingya crisis.
Schier, S. E., & Eberly, T. E. (Eds.). (2022). The Trump Effect: Disruption and Its Consequences in US Politics and Government. Rowman & Littlefield, 181pp.
This book review aims to help readers examining the merit and demerit of the book edited by Schier and Eberly titled “The Trump Effect: Disruption and Its Consequences in US Politics and Government,” that was published in 2022. Trump’s administration had brought back the behavioural analysis in the International Relations study. The articles presented in the book illustrate how a leader’s agency can turned the course of domestic politics in democratic settings, as well as the global politics. How well the book convince its readers is the focus of our review.
Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relations
Deterred But Not Defeated: The Case of Abu Sayyaf’s Resilience
The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) is known for its criminal and terror operations. Since the group's base is located in islands in the southern Philippines such as Basilan and Sulu, its notorious activities have extended to neighbouring countries; Malaysia and Indonesia. Thereby, making the group a destabilising force for regional security. This article discusses the factors that shaped the resilience of the ASG by looking at the evolution of the group for more than three decades. The evolutionary phases of the group will be divided into four: the early years (the 1980s-2001), the post-9/11 tragedy (2002-2014), the rise of ISIS (2014-2017), and the post-ISIS (2018-Present). Based on the analysis of the group’s evolution, this article argues that the ability of the ASG to shift its focus of operations from criminal activities such as kidnapping for ransom and piracy to terrorist acts and vice versa has contributed to its resilience. Three interrelated factors have made possible for the fluidity of the group: the factionalised structure of the group, the existence of an international terrorist organization as a patron, and the convenience of committing crimes.
The 21st Century Israel-Palestine Conflict Over Jerusalem and its Peace Processes
Jerusalem is a depiction of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict's national politics and contrasting identities. The continuous rise in violence, with its devastating effect on peace and security prompts the examination of the conflict, various peace processes and the status of Jerusalem. The major objectives of this paper are to examine the Israel-Palestine conflict over Jerusalem in the 21st century and analyse the status of Jerusalem and different peace talks through external mediation and intervention. The theory of structural realism was adopted for this study; which, concerning the conflict over Jerusalem, emphasises that war is a significant, and fundamental instrument of change in international affairs. Secondary data was used in this paper, by reviewing and analysing data gathered from scholarly publications, journals, articles, and online materials. The paper finds an intensified increase of violence between Israel and Palestine, especially regarding the status of Jerusalem and Palestine as an independent state. The paper concludes that despite numerous peace processes and diplomatic efforts, a lasting resolution has remained elusive. The failure to achieve a comprehensive agreement stems from a combination of factors, including conflicting narratives, incompatibility of goals, deep-rooted mistrust, geopolitical complexities, and the influence of external actors. Peace, stability, and acceptable status of Jerusalem can only be initiated and resolved solemnly between Israel and Palestine, but until then, neither the status of Jerusalem nor Palestine would be defined.
Understanding Turkish Cypriots’ Constantly Deepening Distrust Towards Greek Cypriots
The island of Cyprus has held a permanent position on the agenda of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) for decades. The UNSC regularly adopts resolutions to extend the mandate of the UN Peacekeeping Force (UNFICYP). In 2023, UNSC Resolution 2674 reiterated several points, including “the importance of achieving an enduring, comprehensive and just settlement based on a bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality” in Cyprus. The authorities of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) expressed their dissatisfaction with the resolution, highlighting that “the wording adapted in the resolution is completely detached from the realities on the ground and gives the rest of the world a misleading message.” This article aims to explain the reasons behind the TRNC authorities' perception of the UNSC resolution as detached from reality and misleading within the conceptual framework of trust. Trust is an essential prerequisite for cooperation, forming the foundation of common ground between two negotiating parties. By exploring the emotional aspects of the issue, this article argues that the historical trajectory of events, coupled with the current policies pursued by the Greek Cypriot authorities and the prevailing attitudes among the majority of Greek Cypriots, undeniably convinces Turkish Cypriots that Greek Cypriots would not engage in honest cooperation and would exploit Turkish Cypriots when presented with an opportunity.
STRATEGIES AND CHALLENGES IN DIGITAL DIPLOMACY: A CASE STUDY OF U.S., UK, AND CHINA DIPLOMATS IN KENYA
This article investigates the strategies and challenges adopted by diplomats in the conduct of digital diplomacy. Digital diplomacy is the use of various new technologies in diplomacy communication and performance to win the hearts and minds of foreign nationals. This study interviewed diplomats and experts from the three embassies and thematically analysed the data. The findings suggest that diplomats find the influence of technology to be important in digital diplomacy, but they do not have time to engage with the digital audience, raising the question of trust in digital platforms. In addition, conventional diplomacy is not dead but is integrated into the "new" public diplomacy. Furthermore, the study revealed that digital platforms facilitate the spread of hate speech, fake news, misinformation, and disinformation campaigns, restraining the diplomats from effectively implementing digital diplomacy, and due to the large amount of information from vast projects and agencies that are implemented in Kenya, it is difficult to disseminate this information with one voice, posing a challenge and a need for new skill sets to deal with emerging issues.
Unravelling President Obama’s Myanmar Policy: Pragmatic Liberalism at Play
This study aims to examine the US’s Myanmar policy from the perspective of pragmatic liberalism and explore the primary factors behind the policy shift in 2009. It fills a gap in the literature by offering a rare analysis of US-Myanmar policy through the lens of pragmatic liberalism. The research methodology employs document search and elite interviews to gather comprehensive insights. The research questions focus on understanding how pragmatic liberalism manifested in Obama’s Myanmar policy and identifying the objectives he aimed to achieve. The findings reveal that Obama’s Myanmar policy aligns with the principles of pragmatic liberalism. It can be analysed through two dimensions: modelling creation and hegemony maintenance. Within the context of Sino-US competition, the primary factor driving the US's policy change in Myanmar is China. Consequently, the US’s policy shift aims to establish a new strategic partner to contain Chinese influence in Southeast Asia, thereby maintaining US hegemony in the region. This study contributes to the understanding of US-Myanmar relations and sheds light on the underlying motivations and dynamics of the US’s policy shift. By adopting a pragmatic liberalist approach, the US seeks to shape Myanmar’s trajectory while safeguarding its strategic interests in the region.
The Re-emergence of Parang Sabil: A Foucauldian Discourse Analysis on Suicide Terrorism Phenomenon in the Philippine
Terrorists and the threat of terrorism know no pandemic, as the 2020 Jolo suicide bomber incident vividly demonstrates. One of the signs of the new age of Philippine terrorism is the emergence of suicide terrorism. However, the lack of adequate explanations for the phenomenon shows that suicide terrorism is still a poorly researched topic in Philippine terrorism studies. This paper aims to contribute to the literature by investigating the power dynamics, specifically looking at how the phenomenon is interpreted by scholars using the Foucauldian Discourse Analysis. This study presents several scholarly arguments, examines how these arguments are created, and looks into the implications of their understandings. We argue that scholars hold the power to interpret the phenomenon. Their interpretations are crucial in policymaking. The results reveal that the limited information available allowed for such a diverse range of hypotheses. Yet, despite the limitations, their initial interpretations are crucial in addressing the issue at this time. This highlights the importance of scholars in this setting. The truths revealed here may or may not have an impact on unique community conditions.
China’s Rise and the Global Dilemma: Balancing Economic Interdependence vis-à-vis Rules-Based System?
China's rise as an economic and geopolitical power has created a dilemma for the global community as it challenges the balance of economic interdependence vis-a-vis the rules-based system. China's growing assertiveness in the international arena and disregard for established international norms and rules has raised concerns about the future of the rules-based system and its impact on global governance. China's expanding military capabilities and assertive territorial claims have further fueled concerns about its intention to alter the existing global order. Thus, the article underscores that as a foreign policy tool, China has been using economic coercion, weaponising interdependence by leveraging its economic power over developing states to achieve political and strategic objectives. In addition, China has established parallel multilateral institutions to promote its interests and challenge the dominance of traditional Western-led institutions. These institutions provide an alternative to the existing global economic order, which China sees as being dominated by the West. The outcome of China's activism is that it has been able to form like-minded alliances at the United Nations and other prominent institutions, thereby posing a risk and an uncertain future for global governance and the balance of power in the international system. Key Words: China, Economic Coercion, Weaponized Interdependence, Global Governance
Interpreting Japan’s Security Interests in the Korean Peninsula
This paper aims to interpret Japan's security interests in the Korean Peninsula using a qualitative research method and realism theory as the conceptual framework. During its empire periods, Japan was known for controlling several areas in Northeast Asia including Korea. Various inhumane treatment was carried out by Japan to the inhabitants of the Korean Peninsula for 35 years (1910-1945). But that treatment stopped after Japan's defeat in World War II in 1945. Korea, which was divided into two at that time, still hated Japan. But that hatred can be overcome by South Korea but not by North Korea. Some of the actions that endanger Japan were finally carried out by North Korea. Given that North Korea had lost the country that helped it, namely the Soviet Union, Pyongyang increased its behaviour that threatened Japan's security, such as using nuclear threats or launching ICBM over Japan’s air territory. Therefore, Japan must implement security policies that can counter North Korea’s threat. Such policies are postwar processing, security, economics, national sovereignty, and the safety of Japanese lives. This paper suggests that Japan must be able to defend itself from North Korean threats. Once safe, Japan can develop its economic interests. Then Japan can live and thrive and at the same time “expand” its leverage to the country that threatens it.
The Elements of Sea Power and the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the West Asian Region
During the last three decades, China has made significant progress, especially in the fields of economic development, defence, science and technology, and multilateral cooperation. Its emergence as a global power has also increasingly been challenging the US position. Many economic and strategic initiatives taken by China have provided it with strategic space and depth in the neighbouring region as well as the world also. The country is now openly displaying its military power and acting as a hegemon in the South and the East China Sea. The US is trying to counter the emerging influence of China by developing different alliances and partnerships in the Asia-Pacific and other regions. Thus, rivalry and tension have been increasing between China and the US and its allies. The present study analyses the designs of these emerging tensions and conflicts in the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR). The neighbouring West Asian Region (WAR), a playground of different global powers, is also a crucial region for the Indo-Pacific strategic game plan. The WAR has historically been dominated by the West and is therefore an integral part of their strategic thinking. Therefore, the necessity for the WAR to precisely define its strategic interest and responsibility for all surrounding regions and global powers has also been discussed. A discussion has also been made of current naval strength and how to unite it into a single unit. The geopolitical vision of Alfred Thayer Mahan in the form of the ‘Elements of Sea Powers’ has also been analysed to conclude as to how the WAR should adopt them to become a great naval power. In conclusion, the study also provides many suggestions and options for WAR’s Indo-Pacific strategy. The paper is based on secondary data. Meanwhile, the analytical descriptive approach adopted for the present research is based on the analysis of historical facts, discourse, and political developments. The data is collected from various books, journals, government portals, reports, newspapers, and publications of many institutions and organisations.
India’s relations with Saudi Arabia and UAE under the Modi Government
India is home to the third-largest Muslim population, any internal policy changes affect Muslim voters including bilateral relations with neighbours and Gulf countries. Despite, several criticisms, the Modi government gained some objections over the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and National Population Register (NPR), and National Register of Citizens (NRC) issues at the national level. Nonetheless, the government has regained a second term in India. Modi's foreign policies not only made a new high in the bilateral relationship with Islamic countries in the Gulf, but amicability had changed significantly. Both Saudi Arabia and the UAE in West Asia are rebuilding a new friendship era with India. After the decline of oil demand from the Western Countries, Gulf countries’ expectations have increased to re-draw their approach towards New Delhi. Retrospectively, it also provided several opportunities from both sides (India and Saudi Arabia-UAE) to boost their ties including a joint naval exercise between the UAE and India, an invitation by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation to Sushma Swaraj, the inauguration of a Hindu temple in the UAE by Narendra Modi as well as the Crown prince Mohammed bin Salman visit to New Delhi. These are a few steps from both India and Saudi Arabia-UAE sides to re-energize their relationship. Therefore, this paper discusses how the Modi government despite numerous challenges able to enhance a new era of the bilateral relationship with Saudi Arabia and the UAE. This research extensively covers the aspects of the economic, military, and strategic relationships which include both side visits and MoU.
Myanmar’s Dilemma in the United States-China Rivalry in Southeast Asia
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the dilemma that Myanmar faces in the United States – China rivalry in Southeast Asia using qualitative methods and constructivism as the conceptual framework. Southeast Asia is emerging to be a playground witnessing the rivalry between China and the United States. This region is rich in natural resources, one of the international trade routes, and has various maritime conflicts. For Myanmar, the rivalry between Washington and Beijing could create a dilemma. This could occur due to various factors, such as the long self-isolation under the military regime, the United States’ imposition of various sanctions on Myanmar, and others. Whereas for Beijing, its competition with the United States, can be an event to make friends, like Myanmar. Myanmar has been given various sanctions by the United States, especially back when Myanmar was still under a military junta, and to counter these sanctions, China establish friendly relations with Myanmar thus could moving Myanmar closer to China instead of the United States. Furthermore, China could secure Myanmar’s resources and influence Myanmar to become a friend of China and a rival to the United States. This paper contends that Myanmar needs to balance itself between the United States and China’s rivalry in Southeast Asia to maximize its objectives, thus could provide benefits and maintain its non-alignment policy.
Copyright (c) 2022 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relations
Japan’s Role in the Postconflict Reconstruction of Afghanistan: Motives and Implications
The objective of this paper is to research the reasons why Japan has taken an active role in assisting Afghanistan and analyse how its activity contributed to its national interests and international image. While the realist paradigm is taken as the basic conceptual framework, applying the liberal approach also helps explain the rationale behind Japan’s participation in the post-conflict settlement in Afghanistan. Analysis of Japan’s foreign policy objectives in Afghanistan is carried out by the methods of content and event analysis, as well as the comparative method. The paper argues that Japan’s assistance to Afghanistan reached the objectives of both demonstrating loyalty to the US and maintaining a favourable image in the Middle East and Central Asia, it enhanced Japan’s international clout as a global civilian power. Japan’s involvement in Afghanistan paved the way for closer cooperation with Europe and NATO and provided new ground for cooperation with SCO and Russia. While political interests have been maintained the economic benefits of Japan’s involvement are less visible which leads to the conclusion that political motives prevailed in Japan’s realization of its role in Afghanistan.